Caste enumeration
Caste enumeration
In this article
- Why in news ?
- Why ? and Constitunal provisions
- जनगणना की माँग कबसे से उठी
- What is caste census?
- What kind of caste data is published in the Census?
- Historical context
- Why caste census matters
- What has been the current government’s stand?
- Where did the UPA stand on this?
- What happened to the SECC data, then?
- What is the contrary view?
- Pros and cons
- कुछ राज्य सरकारों की तरफ़ से kiya gaya कार्य
Why in news ?
The Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) has approved caste enumeration in the forthcoming population census, Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said on Wednesday (April 30).
Why ?
The decision has come at a time when the Opposition — particularly Congress leader Rahul Gandhi — has adopted caste census as a key issue
Constitutional provisions
The Indian Constitution does not explicitly mandate a caste census, but it provides for provisions that could support such a census.
Specifically, Article 340 allows for the appointment of a commission to investigate the conditions of socially and educationally backward classes, and Article 16(4) permits reservations in public employment for disadvantaged groups.
While the Census Act, 1948 and the Constitution grant the Central Government the primary power to conduct censuses, some argue that state governments can conduct their own surveys under certain provisions.
जनगणना की माँग कबसे से उठी
The demand first started around 2022 in Bihar, a state considered as the cradle of backward caste assertion.
The then ruling coalition in Bihar –
comprising the Janata Dal (United), Rashtriya Janata Dal and Congress – hoped to use the caste census to resurrect a new model of social justice politics to take on the BJP ahead of the 2024 general elections.
Bihar
successfully conducted its survey in 2023 and hiked caste-based quotas to 65%, a decision that was later set aside by the Patna high court because it breached the 50% cap on caste-based quotas.
Earlier this year, Telangana
also proposed to raise the caste-based quota to 63%.
What is caste census?
सरल अर्थ:
Caste Census (जाति जनगणना) का मतलब है देश की आबादी में विभिन्न जातियों की संख्या, आर्थिक स्थिति, शिक्षा और रोजगार जैसे आँकड़ों को एकत्र करना। यह सामान्य जनगणना से अलग होता है, जो केवल बुनियादी जनसांख्यिकी (जैसे उम्र, लिंग, धर्म) दर्ज करती है।
A caste census involves systematically recording individuals’ caste identities during a national census.
It was a regular feature of census exercises during British rule from 1881 to 1931. However, with the first census of independent India in 1951, the government chose to discontinue the practice, except for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs).
What kind of caste data is published in the Census?
Every Census in independent India from 1951 to 2011
has published data on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, but not on other castes. Before that, every Census until 1931 had data on caste
However, in 1941, caste-based data was collected
but not published. M W M Yeats, the then Census Commissioner, said in a note: “There would have been no all India caste table…
The time is past for this enormous and costly table as part of the central undertaking…”
This was during World War II.
- British India (1881–1931): The British administration included caste in decadal censuses to categorise the population by caste, religion, and occupation.
- According to a previous report by Hindustan Times, the British carried out caste enumeration in decadal censuses from 1881 to 1931. After 1931, this practice was discontinued and was not revived in post-independence India.
- The report also noted that the proportion of SC-ST population was 21.54% in the 1971 Census and increased to 25.26% in the 2011 Census.
- This rise aligns with the trend that economically disadvantaged populations, like SCs and STs, tend to have higher fertility rates, particularly when income levels are lower.
- Post-independence (1951): The newly independent Indian government, led by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, stopped caste enumeration to avoid reinforcing social divisions.
- 1961 directive: The central government allowed states to compile OBC lists based on their own surveys, but no national caste census was conducted.
- Mandal Commission (1980): The recommendation for 27% OBC reservation brought caste data into sharp political focus. The absence of updated caste figures made implementation difficult and contentious.
- SECC 2011: Though this UPA-era effort collected caste data, the findings were never fully released or utilised, prompting criticism.
- State-level surveys: In recent years, states like Bihar, Telangana, and Karnataka conducted their own caste surveys to guide welfare schemes and reservations. Bihar's 2023 survey found that OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes made up more than 63% of its population.
Beyond statistics, the caste census has deep social and political implications.
राजनीतिक प्रभाव:
राजनीतिक दबाव: OBC और अन्य पिछड़े समूहों की वास्तविक संख्या ज्ञात होने पर उनके लिए आरक्षण या अन्य योजनाओं की माँग बढ़ सकती है।
चुनावी रणनीति: पार्टियाँ जातिगत आँकड़ों के आधार पर वोट बैंक को टार्गेट करने की कोशिश करेंगी।
संघर्ष का खतरा: कुछ समूह डेटा के इस्तेमाल को लेकर विवाद पैदा कर सकते हैं, जैसे "किस जाति को कितना हिस्सा मिलेगा"।
- action policies,
- improve representation,
- and address entrenched inequalities.
What has been the current government’s stand?
In 2021
Although the current government announced o to conduct a caste Census, in July 2021, it said it had no plans to carry out such a Census.
Union Minister of State for Home Affairs Nityanand Rai
in Lok Sabha: “The Government of India has decided as a matter of policy not to enumerate caste-wise population other than SCs and STs in Census.”
But on August 31, 2018
following a meeting chaired by then Home Minister Rajnath Singh that reviewed preparations for Census 2021, the Press Information Bureau stated in a statement: “It is also envisaged to collect data on OBC for the first time.”
When The Indian Express filed an RTI request
asking for the minutes of the meeting, the Office of Registrar General of India (ORGI) responded:
“Records of deliberations in ORGI prior to MHA (Ministry of Home Affairs) announcement on August 31, 2018 to collect data on OBC is not maintained. There was not issued any minutes of the meeting.”
Where did the UPA stand on this?
In 2010, then Law Minister Veerappa Moily
wrote to then Prime Minister Manmohan Singhcalling for collection of caste/community data in Census 2011.
Home Minister P Chidambaram "विवादास्पद सवाल" या "जटिल मुद्दे"
On March 1, 2011, during a short-duration discussion in Lok Sabha, then Home Minister P Chidambaram spoke of several “vexed questions”: "विवादास्पद सवाल" या "जटिल मुद्दे"
“There is a Central list of OBCs and State-specific list of OBCs.
Some States do not have a list of OBCs; some States have a list of OBCs and a sub-set called Most Backward Classes.
The Registrar General
has also pointed out that there are certain open-ended categories in the lists such as orphans and destitute children.
Names of some castes are found in both the list of Scheduled Castes and list of OBCs.
Scheduled Castes converted to Christianity or Islam
are also treated differently in different States.
The status of a migrant from one State to another and the status of children of inter-caste marriage, in terms of caste classification, are also vexed questions.”
Prime Minister said:
“I assure you that the Cabinet will take a decision shortly.” Later, a Group of Ministers was constituted under then Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee.
After several rounds of deliberations, the UPA government decided to go for a full-fledged Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC).
What happened to the SECC data, then?
With an approved cost of Rs 4,893.60 crore, the SECC was conducted by the Ministry of Rural Development in rural areas and the Ministry of Housing & Urban Poverty Alleviation in urban areas.
The SECC data excluding caste data was finalised and published by the two ministries in 2016.
The raw caste data was handed over to the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, which formed an Expert Group under former NITI Aayog Vice-Chairperson Arvind Pangaria for classification and categorisation of data. It is not clear whether it submitted its report; no such report has been made public.
The report of a Parliamentary Committee
on Rural Development presented to the Lok Sabha Speaker on August 31, 2016, noted about SECC:
“The data has been examined and 98.87 per cent data on individuals’ caste and religion is error free.
ORGI has noted incidence of errors in respect of 1,34,77,030 individuals out of total SECC population of 118,64,03,770. States have been advised to take corrective measures.
Debate - cons vs pros
The critics of the caste census claim it is socially polarising and would further caste identities. Some also argue it will lead to increased demand for reservations.
However, those in favour of the caste census say it is a necessity that will help the government reshape its affirmative action for the marginalised communities.
In favour
This enables the government to assess the socio-economic position and representation of different caste groups, especially in areas like public employment and access to welfare schemes.
It helps identify which communities have benefited from government initiatives and which remain marginalised, allowing for more targeted and inclusive development strategies.
CONS -
- Critics argue that a caste census could reinforce caste identities and hierarchies, potentially making it more difficult to move towards a casteless society
- Social Divisions:
- Some fear that emphasizing caste through a census could exacerbate social tensions and hinder national unity.
- Political Manipulation:
- There is concern that caste data might be used by political parties for vote-bank politics, further dividing society.
- Accuracy Concerns:
- There's a risk of inaccurate data due to people not honestly reporting their caste, or due to the complexities of defining sub-castes and categories.
- Cost and Complexity:
- Conducting a census is a complex and expensive undertaking, and there are concerns about the resources needed and the potential for errors.
कुछ राज्य सरकारों की तरफ़ से kiya gaya कार्य
Bihar, Telangana and Andhra Pradesh
have conducted caste surveys in the last three years, while Karnataka is mulling the release of data of a survey conducted in 2015.
All states were ruled by non-BJP dispensations when the surveys were done.
All surveys have broadly revealed a similar pattern – the
- other backward classes are the largest social group
- and comprise more than half the population,
- while upper castes constitute a smaller fraction of the population than their social dominance would suggest
The decision marks a major shift after more than 70 years of hesitation. However, details on how the data will be collected, categorised, and applied are yet to be clarified.
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